chapter 35
Within this article, the author initially portrays America as a country that is lax because it has long enjoyed security from the world by the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans. In the wake of 9/11, America was rudely awakened and was forced to take a rigid posture of alertness and defensiveness. Most of the world learned of this horrific event through the media: newspapers, television, the internet, etc. Through these outlets, the government censored non-aligned views. To illustrate the lack of competing views, Negri and Hardt chooses to do what they deem did not occur and include alongside the government's stance, the opinions of others such as Brent Scowcroft and Richard A,. Falk.
Section A: 'The Voice of America'
Hardt and Negri begin with President Bush's 2002, 'Axis of Evil' speech in which he names Iran, Iraq, and North Korea as rogue nations whose sole intent is to terrorize the world. The authors portray the invasion of Afghanistan as the correct retaliation for the acts of 9/11. With an invasion of Afghanistan, the government achieved its two objectives:
1. Shut down terrorist camps, disrupt terrorist plans, and bring terrorists to justice and
2. Prevent terrorists and regimes who seek chemichal, biological or nuclear weapons form threatening the United States.
Section B: Chairman of the Forum for International Policy perspective
Brent Scowcroft's article is in the defense of Saddam Hussein. He feels the Bush administration is eager to goto war in Iraq and seek to legitimate their goal by insinuating to the American public that Saddam wants to "dominate the Persian Gulf, to control oil from the region, or both." However, Scowcroft sites that "there is [little] eveidence to tie Saddam to terrorist organizations, and ven less to the September 11th attacks./ [Futhermore], he seeks weapons of mass destruction...to deter [the United States] from intervening to block his aggressive designs." Due to the inclusion of Scowcroft's statements, one realizes that the chapter was written prior to the US invasion even though the book's publish year is 2003. Scowcroft's answer to the situation, 'no notice inspections' were of no use to the Bush administration. His predictions of a long-term occupation may occur and the Iraqi invasion has diverted America's attention away from Afghanistan.
Section B: retired Ivy League professor
Richard A. Falk's argument centers around the negative aspects of post 9/11 censorship that was generated at the macro-level and has managed to penetrate to the micro-levels of society. The Orwellian notion and role of 'Big Brother' was seemingly accepted by Americans after 9/11. Falk beleives this unquestioned loyalty is "a...mandate for unregulated law enforcement, wide discretion to maintain secrecy, lengthy detention of suspects w/out due process, racial profiling as the basis of police action, and a suspension of legal protection for those in our midst who are not citizens" (337). Two important points that Falk makes are:
1. militant Islam is the ONLY response to American dominance in the Middle East and
2. there have only been three political/military success of the Middle East: Ayatollah Khomeini, the Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, and bin Laden triumph over the Soviet Union.
The key issue in the US dealing with the Middle East, according to Falk is the Palestinian-Israel relationship.
Section A: 'The Voice of America'
Hardt and Negri begin with President Bush's 2002, 'Axis of Evil' speech in which he names Iran, Iraq, and North Korea as rogue nations whose sole intent is to terrorize the world. The authors portray the invasion of Afghanistan as the correct retaliation for the acts of 9/11. With an invasion of Afghanistan, the government achieved its two objectives:
1. Shut down terrorist camps, disrupt terrorist plans, and bring terrorists to justice and
2. Prevent terrorists and regimes who seek chemichal, biological or nuclear weapons form threatening the United States.
Section B: Chairman of the Forum for International Policy perspective
Brent Scowcroft's article is in the defense of Saddam Hussein. He feels the Bush administration is eager to goto war in Iraq and seek to legitimate their goal by insinuating to the American public that Saddam wants to "dominate the Persian Gulf, to control oil from the region, or both." However, Scowcroft sites that "there is [little] eveidence to tie Saddam to terrorist organizations, and ven less to the September 11th attacks./ [Futhermore], he seeks weapons of mass destruction...to deter [the United States] from intervening to block his aggressive designs." Due to the inclusion of Scowcroft's statements, one realizes that the chapter was written prior to the US invasion even though the book's publish year is 2003. Scowcroft's answer to the situation, 'no notice inspections' were of no use to the Bush administration. His predictions of a long-term occupation may occur and the Iraqi invasion has diverted America's attention away from Afghanistan.
Section B: retired Ivy League professor
Richard A. Falk's argument centers around the negative aspects of post 9/11 censorship that was generated at the macro-level and has managed to penetrate to the micro-levels of society. The Orwellian notion and role of 'Big Brother' was seemingly accepted by Americans after 9/11. Falk beleives this unquestioned loyalty is "a...mandate for unregulated law enforcement, wide discretion to maintain secrecy, lengthy detention of suspects w/out due process, racial profiling as the basis of police action, and a suspension of legal protection for those in our midst who are not citizens" (337). Two important points that Falk makes are:
1. militant Islam is the ONLY response to American dominance in the Middle East and
2. there have only been three political/military success of the Middle East: Ayatollah Khomeini, the Hezbollah in southern Lebanon, and bin Laden triumph over the Soviet Union.
The key issue in the US dealing with the Middle East, according to Falk is the Palestinian-Israel relationship.
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Chapter 9
In this chapter, Suraiya Faroqui speaks upon her research she acquired while researching for and of which she compiled in her book entitled 'Subjects of the Sultan.' In her book, she documents the daily lives of women living during the reign of the Ottoman Empire. In it, she discusses the roles of women and men. She sites that the relationship between men and women centered around the focus upon procreation and that ultimately leads to the preoccupation of finding a mate.
In Ottoman society, marriages were arranged by parents. However, they could also be arranged by the employer of a peasant if she lived in their home. Muslim men however, were more privileged than women. They could marry a non-Muslim woman and divorce their spouse without reason. Women could not marry non-Muslim men: however, in marriages of mixed faiths, the children acquired the religion of their father. If a woman became a widow, she could not enter the household of a male relative, the majority of the husband's estate was inherited to the children of the marriage with only a small portion going to the wife.
Ms. Faroqhi sites two ways by which impoverished women could change their circumstances. They could marry a wealthier man (which if they were poor,could only be done if they worked in the home of a wealthier man in which he would search for a partner for his 'domestic' of equal wealth as him). If a woman was of wealth and she wanted to invest her money,she could do so as a 'silent partner' in which she would supply the money by which a 'travelling agent--a man' would invest for her.
Nevertheless, the prevalent two themes are that women with great financial wealth could equal the importance of men during the Ottoman Empire if he was of lesser or equal wealth and of course, men had more power and rights and currently still do in Islamic states.
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